Bodies, lies, and video tape: between the logic of security and the logic of care

Precarias a la Deriva

February, 2005

For the magazine Diagonal

 

In the present context, the logic of security is the principal form of

taking charge of bodies and organizing them around fear, contention,

control, and management of unease. This article is a first approach

and analysis of the concept of the body managed through securitarian

logic, in order to see forms of regulation that are being used and to

feed practices that take root in the politically radical character of

care. The logic of care that we propose recognizes interdependence,

wagers upon cooperation, and articulates itself as a social ecology.

 

The modern conception of the body is founded on the division and

hierarchization of mind/body and on the construction of the body as an

individual self-regulating machine.[1] This schema, though still in

force, is not enought for us in order to understand how our bodies

function nowadays, many of them urban bodies, rapid, and rather

stressed. Today the slogan 'biology is not destiny' functions, the

body has become a place of construction where one can intervene, to

make the body and negotiate with materiality itself.

 

We want to note two ideas that network within the mechanisms of

regulation of bodies today. First off, the hypervisibility of the body

within the securitary regime and secondly the pendular movement that

takes place between the obsession for the self-cared-for (autocuidado)

and (self)exploitation. The regime of security is the regime of

vision, the videovigilance is a good example of this, a secure place

has security cameras, those strategically situated cameras send a

continuous image of the guarded place, a fixed image with variations

over the long term, that only make sense in the speed of a rewind. The

same thing happens with the image that the media offers of bodies and

of feminine presence, we find a fixed, stereotyped scene, in which the

velocity of the autumn-winter-spring-summer fashions permits us to see

the argumental futility of supposedly transgressive or feminist

attitudes (look at the case of Nikewomen) and how finally there only

remains the fixed and homogeneous frame, white and heteronormative[2],

disposible and disposed toward the consumer.

 

In second place, we can say that in Western societies there is a

growing interest, along with the investment of time

and money, in care for oneself. If this phenonemon is related to processes of medicalization of populations that began in the

second half of the 18th century, now it is no longer only the medical

institution that inspects the body but rather this function has been

interiorized by each individual. This desplacement is accompanied by

another important fact: obtaining care has passed to the

consumer, far from any social conception of health and illness. Care,

to the degree that it appears in the media, is a demand to maintain

presence. In order to be healthy one must go to the gym, take

riboflavin and turn to private medicine. But we simultaneously receive

messages on how to profit from and improve the body,

that is, how to yield more, how to overcome age, how to avoid catching a cold

each winter, how to be more efficient on the job and in the

home. That is to say, first we hypervitamin ourselves in order to

later be able to put out extra hours, race across the city

in order to collect the kids from school and be the

coolest at the office party. Anxiety and unease arise when one

insistently crosses the limits of the body.

 

 If the body struggles, with the help of a whole gamut of products and

specialists, against "free radicals" that make it grow old, the

social body struggles in the same way against that other threat that

debilitates and frightens it: terrorism. That the social body can age

and sicken, that enemy remains hidden and lying in wait in the very

center of the social, is something that no one is inclined to

tolerate, something that merits aesthetic treatments, armored borders

and all kinds of social liposuctions (progressive privatizations and

shortages of public space or the trimming of rights and liberties),

all this in order to permit normalized bodies to continue their

bittersweet movement toward the commercial center. In the course of

the derives [3], we heard accounts of many bodies, authentic places of

resistance, that are confronted everyday with new forms of regulation:

the body as a uniformed presence, in that the uniform marks the border

that separates the domestic employee from the family in domestic work,

the body of the prostitute as exotic and a tourist attraction, the

body as a source of fatigue for the nurse, the body as voice, as a

physical and tangible interface for the client-firm relationship in

its supposedly "most human" side in the case of the telephone

operator, the nearly adolescent body, necessarially easy-going in the

fast food chain, the body exposed to work twenty four hours per day,

all of them fragmented, with superimposed identities, always

changing, in continuous learning and transformation through

experience, through love, through age, through life definitively. The

body is presence, but it is not only that, it is also a vehicle and a

depository of all vital information, to normalize the body can

so we are all the same size 36, or what is worse, that we all think and act in a

manner foreseeable by the globalized market. But we already know that

the forms of domination do not consist only in the exercise of

violence but also in the active production of submission, and with our

bodily uprisings we do not fit into these confining spaces, right?

 

 

Notes

1. The body that capitalism produced in its beginnings was

a closed and finite circuit of energy whose econmy was sustained

thanks to self-control, which assured the equilibrium of fluids. It

was a body destined to produce in the factory and in reproductive

heterosexual exchange. In this schema the living body was a commodity

that functioned inside a restrictive economy, in respect to market

exchanges as much as to the corporeal fluids. In the dawn of

colonialism, the same economy of energetic regulation was entrusted

with the conservation of the body as much as with the conservation of

the European nation-states. In these configurations of the body and of

the social, health was understood as a virtue cultivated to the degree that

one participated in the circuits of normality.

 

2. When we speak of heteronormativity, heterosexuality is considered,

not so much as as a sexual practice but rather as a political regime.

As a biopolitical technology aimed at the production of heteo bodies

and 'unifamiliar' models of life, with their gendered distribution of

tasks and assignments, fundamental to the sustainibility of the

capitalist system up to now.

 

3. For more information on the derives[4], consult the book by

Precarias a la Deriva, A la deriva (por los circuitos de la

precariedad femenina), Traficantes de sueños, Madrid, 2004, or the

webpage www.sindominio.net/karakola/precarias.htm.

 

4.  The phrase 'a la deriva' in the name Precarias a la deriva means

'adrift'. The noun 'deriva' is translated in this artcile as 'derive'

in order to preserve a common heritage with the reference to the

theory and practice of the derive used by the Situationist

International. Precarias a la Deriva take up the practice of the

derive in a transformed fasion, as noted in "First Stutterings of

Precarias a la Deriva", where the Precarias write, "[i]n the

Situationist version of the drift, the investigators wander without

any particular destination through the city, permitting that

conversations, interactions and urban micro-events guide them.  This

permits them to establish a psycho-cartography based on the

coincidences and correspondences of physical and subjective flows:

exposing themselves to the gravitation and repulsion of certain

spaces, to the conversations that come up along the way, and, in

general, to the way in which the urban and social environments

influence exchanges and attitudes.  This means wandering attentive to

the billboard that assaults you, the bench which attracts, the

building which suffocates, the people who come and go.  In our

particular version, we opt to exchange the arbitrary wandering of the

flaneur, so particular to the bourgeois male subject with nothing

pressing to do, for a situated drift which would move through the

daily spaces of each one of us, while maintaining the tactic's

multisensorial and  open character.  Thus the drift is converted into

a moving interview, crossed through by the collective perception of

the environment." For more information on the Situationist International

and their version of the derive see Debord's "Theory of the Derive",

available online at http://library.nothingness.org/articles/SI/en/display/314.

 

For more texts in English by the Precarias a la Deriva see the following texts:

 

"First Stutterings of Precarias a la Deriva", at

http://www.sindominio.net/karakola/precarias/balbuceos-english.htm

 

"Introduction to Precarias a la Deriva", at

http://www.sindominio.net/karakola/precarias/femrev.htm

 

and "Close encounters in the second phase - the communication

continuum: care-sex-attention ", at

http://www.sindominio.net/karakola/precarias/close_encounters.htm

 

 

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